The Biggest Question of Bihar is—who will be The Next Chief Minister?

But today, we will discuss those probable BJP contenders who, despite being in the race, are not fitting into the party’s internal equations.

Based on our sources and research, there are reasons why certain names are being discussed.
Before understanding who will become Chief Minister, it is important to understand what objective BJP will target while selecting its next Chief Minister.
Because before giving any position—whether it is a booth-level worker or the national president—BJP considers social engineering, micro-management, and future prospects, which are decided according to the vision of RSS.
Even today, most decisions at Raisina Hill go through the scrutiny of the Nagpur office.

At present, he is considered the strongest contender among the public, but according to our research and sources, the chances of him becoming the next Chief Minister are low.
The reason is that he does not come from the core ideological background of RSS, and his political legacy also did not originate from BJP.
Secondly, in terms of image, his nature is not aligned with the core ideology of RSS.
His personal and political life has also been involved in serious controversies at different times.

From a caste perspective, he belongs to the Kushwaha community, which fits politically, but BJP already has Upendra Kushwaha and his family as allies to manage this lobby, and they have more influence in that community than Samrat Chaudhary.
At the ground level as well, regional leaders within the Kushwaha community have already emerged.
In the current situation, BJP may choose to favor another caste from its core strategy, and even locally, BJP already has other leaders with a support base in this community.

The most important point is that BJP does not want leaders focused on personal image-building, but rather issue-based and futuristic leaders who can balance RJD, PK, and other factors in the future and strengthen BJP in Bihar.
His education has also been controversial, which in the future may turn into an issue similar to the “Tejashwi-type narrative,” creating problems for BJP.

He comes from the core ideology of BJP and RSS, but he has had the longest tenure as Health Minister in Bihar, yet the expected development at the core level did not happen.
His ministry remained in controversy, and performance analysis is also not satisfactory.
There have been repeated controversies regarding ministry funds, and discussions about corruption have surfaced at different times.

He belongs to the Brahmin community, but currently BJP is not giving special focus to this group, as there is no immediate political need for it, and there is already representation at the central level.

At the organizational level, he has been vocal, but in electoral politics, his hold is not very strong. He first became an MLA, and to make him a minister, the route of MLC was used.
In the future, the party is unlikely to gain significant electoral benefit from him.

His personality is not very popular. He is close to certain people in the organization and suitable for management work, but there is little expectation of projecting him as a public face.
His ground connect is weak, and he is not considered a grassroots leader. Even his first election was contested from a safe constituency, where he benefited from urban voters.

His image does not fit a futuristic vision, and according to BJP’s narrative, he may not create a strong positive impact.

(3) Nityanand Rai

He is currently an MP from Ujiarpur and a junior minister in the central government under Amit Shah, and is considered close to him.
However, the caste group he belongs to is not something BJP wants to further focus on.

This is because the core of the Yadav community is still connected to Lalu Yadav and his family. Even today, most Yadav voters align with them in regional elections.
Accordingly, his role in the central ministry already provides sufficient benefit to BJP.
Through leaders like Ramkripal Yadav and by giving tickets to some MLAs, BJP has already made a significant dent in the Yadav vote bank, and further gains are likely to be limited.

Nityanand Rai does not have a strong pan-Bihar appeal, especially within the Yadav community, to bring additional benefits to BJP.
Attempts to promote Yadav leadership in other states have also not been very successful, so this strategy may not work here either.

He has a clean image and is grounded, but he may not be able to establish a strong futuristic vision and is not a very vocal leader at the Bihar level.

He is currently the Deputy Chief Minister of Bihar and belongs to the Bhumihar community.
Recently, he has been in positive discussion among the public for improvements in his department.

However, he does not fully fit into the upper-level management structure. At present, he appears to have been given a position as a form of settlement for his efforts.
An example of this was seen during departmental reshuffling in the previous government, when he was removed from key departments where he had initiated anti-corruption actions, due to pressure from large contractors and companies.

From a social equation perspective, the Bhumihar community has already been adequately represented through leaders like Giriraj Singh at the center and through MLA tickets.

He is not a very dynamic personality. His working style is good, but he does not fit into either upper-level settlement or lower-level adjustments.
His political base is also not very strong, and his popularity is limited to certain regions.
He is not able to break the theory of futuristic settlement.

He also appears outside the framework of social engineering and micro-management.

He is currently the Speaker of the Bihar Legislative Assembly and has been a 9-time MLA from Gaya Town since 1980.
He belongs to the EBC (Kahar) community.

His age is around 70, so he does not fit according to this parameter.
According to BJP, this is likely his last election, and the party is preparing for his farewell.
That is why he has been given a respectable position as Assembly Speaker and may be considered for roles like Governor in the future.

From a caste equation perspective as well, he does not justify a strong pan-Bihar impact.
Despite being a 9-time MLA, he has not become a widely popular face across Bihar.

In the past, his ministerial or organizational work has not been a major topic of discussion at a larger level.
He is grounded, but his influence is limited within regions.

He is also not able to break the futuristic vision or narrative theory.
BJP wants to give Bihar an energetic Chief Minister because the coming political battle will be about existence and long-term dominance.
So he also falls outside this equation.

At the RSS level, he is active in his own capacity, but he does not have that level of support from the Nagpur lobby.

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